BNE Blog

Merkel blinks as Single Market advocate Mario Monti, not Francois Hollande, emerges as the man who might save the euro

By Phillip Souta

By Phillip Souta

Man of the moment? Mario Monti arriving at the European Council - Photo: European Council

As the dust settles after the 20th European Council after the crisis began a few years ago, we are seeing the hints of where we may be at the end of the year.  Two things in particular are a bit like history in slow motion, that speeded up can indicate where we are really going.

First, Germany is finally starting to talk about the costs of a breakup domestically – this could be the long awaited signal that politicians there are going to start softening public opinion for the measures they’re going to have to take to keep the euro going.

Across the political spectrum, Wolfgang Schäuble, the German finance minister said break-up could cause a “shrinking of wealth”; Jens Weidman, President of the Bundesbank said that break-up would come with incalculable “costs and risks” and the leader of the SDP, Sigmar Gabriel, said a break-up would cause an “enormous economic recession.”

German politicians have been far keener to blame southern European countries for fecklessly driving the euro into the ground without acknowledging Germany’s ten year export boom would have been impossible under the Deutschmark, which would have made Germany’s capital good uncompetitive.

The second development is that southern European countries, led by Mario Monti of Italy rather than the perhaps still somewhat inexperienced Francois Hollande, stood up to Angela Merkel and refused to cooperate unless she moves towards greater mutualisation of debt.

She blinked first at the summit and left without even giving a press conference.  Mario Monti, backed by Hollande and Mariano Rajoy of Spain demanded that eurozone bailout funds be used to support eurozone banks directly, and got what they wanted.

If Mario Monti emerges as the leader of the group which confronts Merkel with the hard choices she inevitably has to make, that will be no bad thing for David Cameron.  As one of the most passionate defenders of the Single Market, he will be an important ally in making sure it is not undermined by the new structures.

Britain will win if it leads reforms for the whole of the EU but risks losing if it demands a special deal

By Phillip Souta

The Prime Minister, David Cameron, faces tough choices on Europe

By Phillip Souta

A story in today’s FT(£) by George Parker trails the announcement of a long-awaited coalition agreement commitment to review the “balance of competencies” between the UK and the EU.  This will be a process David Cameron will want to keep a very close hold of as it risks causing him major problems with his self-avowedly euro-sceptic backbenchers.

Those who want wholesale repatriation of large pieces of the social and employment laws making up the EU’s single market are set to be disappointed.  David Cameron and William Hague know it is not on the table – they have been told so by France and Germany, point black.  They see it as an attempt to enjoy all the benefits of the single market whilst ditching the obligations Britain finds irksome, and there is no appetite to give us a special deal.

The other argument David Cameron will have to face down is that those demands should be our price for agreeing whatever the eurozone ultimately needs to do to get out of the current crisis.  There are two issues there.  First, getting out of the eurozone crisis is an end in itself and a UK priority, so putting a price on it stretches credibility, and at worst, could be seen as a cynical ploy.  Secondly, as we saw last December, if Britain says “no”, it will be ignored by the vast majority who will proceed regardless.

The “review of competencies” is therefore unlikely to provide the red meat craved by so many on David Cameron’s back benches.

The process could however be turned on its head from what the Douglas Carswells of this world want into something genuinely constructive.

Instead of asking for a special deal for the UK, the UK should argue for reforms for all the EU’s member states, and lead a coalition of like-minded members to achieve them.

Three specific reforms spring to mind immediately.

First, the working time directive, whilst introducing significant improvements in people’s working rights, is far from perfect.  Opt outs from the 48 hour working week should be formalised across the EU for those who do wish to work longer, and there is a strong case for the SiMAP and Jaeger cases classifying “on call” time as working time to be re-examined.

Secondly, the common agricultural policy continues to account for too much of the EU’s budget.  The Commission’s proposals for the 2014 to 2020 budget see 37 per cent of the EU’s common funds being spent on “preservation and management of natural resources (including CAP)”.  The CAP artificially increases food prices in the EU and UK, is bad for development of poorer countries, and diverts funds from support for research and development.

Thirdly, currently poor regions of rich members get cohesion funds.  There is a strong case to say that rich states should look after their own regions with an average income of below the 75 per cent EU average.    We estimate that this would save the EU €91 billion over seven years from 2014.

These are specifics which do not even touch on completing the single market which should be the UK’s number one priority, but are quite particular alternatives to the “special deal for Britain” proposals some would like to see.

The endgame is approaching

By Phillip Souta

By Phillip Souta

With a debt to GDP ratio over ten per cent lower than Germany’s (68 per cent compared to Germany’s 81 per cent), and a centre-right government serious about austerity, Spaniards will feel enormous frustration as their country is slowly priced out of the international bond markets.  This, however, is what contagion looks like.

Mariano Rajoy, Prime Minister of Spain, Photo: Wikipedia

Mariano Rajoy, Prime Minister of Spain, Photo: Wikipedia

Germany is increasingly faced with a choice of supporting the eurozone or the possibility of seeing it unravel.  Wolfgang Schäuble, the German finance minister, has said that eurobonds now would remove peripheral countries’ incentive to reform.  If, as looks likely, the continued existence of the eurozone in its current form becomes the issue, Germany will be facing a different situation.

The Commission’s proposals for a European Banking Union (press release here) are a step in the right direction, but they are only that, with no provision for a severing of the link between sovereigns and their banking systems.  Angela Merkel sees such moves as a backdoor to underwriting Spanish bank deposits.  Again, if we are looking at the collapse of the eurozone, Germany will be facing a different situation.

This month is the latest in a serious of allegedly decisive months.  Before all of Brussels and large parts of the continent break for a six-week summer there will be a two day meeting of European Heads of Government on the 28th.  They will have quite a situation to survey.

The first big crunch point comes next Monday on 11 June when the IMF delivers a report on its banking sector.  That will give decision makers a better idea of the state of Spain’s banks, and may cause the markets to turn even further against Spain, precipitating a bail out.

The biggest event will be Greek elections on 17 June, with opinion polls showing a six point lead for anti-bailout parties on the left, led by radical Syriza.  If they win, it would probably be the end for Greece in the euro.  The G20 will meet in Mexico, the next day on 18 June.

By this time we will be a step closer to the endgame.  David Cameron has been right to voice his support for eurobonds, and should continue to make the case for them.

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