BNE Blog

Event Summary – Reforming UCITS – Engaging with the UK

By admin


Gareth Shaw, Sven Giegold MEP, Francine Laqua and Julie Patterson

Regulation of financial services was once again under the spotlight during Business for New Europe’s recent event on UCITS, held in conjunction with the European Parliament office in the UK. The discussion focused on the future of the EU’s asset management industry and brought together Sven Giegold – the German Green Party MEP responsible for steering UCITS through the European Parliament as Rapporteur – Julie Patterson from the Investment Management Association and Gareth Shaw from consumer group Which?

Francine Lacqua from Bloomberg expertly chaired what turned out to be a lively debate on a very important piece of European legislation. The event was also well attended by representatives fromLondon’s business community.

Sven Giegold opened the discussion by noting that it was only right that he start his wide-ranging consultation on UCITS in London, given the British capital’s status as the ‘most important place’ for UCITS.

He made it clear that he saw the event as an opportunity to actively engage with interested parties and ensure that UCITS worked well for industry bodies, consumer groups and European citizens.

As a policy maker, his personal view was that UCITS should broadly be used to promote long term growth, but just how to achieve this was open to debate. Over the coming months, therefore, Mr Giegold said he would be posing questions on a range of issues including ‘Is there a need to create UCITS subsectors?’ ‘Should there be separation between UCITS and alternative funds? ‘Would insurance-based solutions work or should consumers assume all the risk when they invest?’ By addressing these issues, Mr Giegold asserted that the EU would inevitably be able to make progress on broader points over the role of ESMA, for example, and the significance of diverging taxations regimes.

Julie Patterson from the Investment Management Association followed Sven Giegold, firstly drawing a clear distinction between fiduciary industries and transactional ones. She said one of her primary concerns was that so many UCITS-related issues were ending with litigation, particularly as so many investors are ordinary European citizens. Developing this point, Ms. Patterson discussed the inherent tension with any legislation of UCITS – investors ranged from managed funds, with high levels of capital and the capacity to perform their own due diligence and risk modelling, to individuals risking a large portion of their savings. This reality means that rules designed to protect the consumer would necessarily be a thorny issue for some investors.

In her opinion, a lack of consistency has also been a major problem for the EU up until now – UCITS, she said, remained the only product which had been regulated for 30 years. Thus, any new regulatory frameworks should aim to correct the imbalance.

Gareth Shaw from Which? Bemoaned the ever-increasing complexity of ETFs and argued that many consumers did not understand the full implications of their investments. As a result, full disclosure was rarely enough – consumers needed better information to help them understand the sophisticated nature of their purchases. Although Mr Shaw liked the idea of an ‘insurance scheme,’ there was an implicit risk that taxpayers would be liable should things go wrong; an unacceptable situation and one which should be avoided. On the other hand, regulators had to be careful that they did not endanger UCITS through over-legislating – they remain a powerful brand, especially in Asia.

According to Mr Shaw, distinguishing between types of investments could be the most productive way to help consumers make better decisions about risk, perhaps through some kind of ‘complex’ and ‘non-complex’ labelling. Yet, he also noted that many ‘small’ investors were happy to take on extra risk, and in fact liked investing in complex products.

The event concluded with a Q&A session, during which attendees were given the opportunity to grill panellists on their positions over UCITS. Business for New Europe would like to thank all participants and attendees for their involvement, as well as the European Parliament for hosting and co-organising the event.

Press Release – European Commission is right to back eurobonds

By admin

BNE calls on eurozone creditor states to accept eurobonds as part of the solution to the euro crisis.

The Commission today is throwing its weight behind the idea of eurobonds as part of the solution to the sovereign debt crisis in Europe.  Germany opposes such measures on the grounds that they would introduce unacceptable moral hazard and remove the market pressure needed for peripheral states to reform.  The choice, however, may be between a combination of eurobonds and ECB quantitative easing or a breakup of the eurozone.

Phillip Souta, Director of BNE, said “It may be that the only way Germany and other creditor eurozone members can protect the euro is through radical measures such as eurobonds.”

According to estimates by the German Institute for Economic Research (DIW), this would cost Germany about €15 billion each year.  Phillip Souta said, “This cost would be more than worth it to save the euro, the breakup of which would be a disaster for Europe.”  He went on to say that, “German growth over the last ten years would not have been possible with the Deutschmark, which would have had much greater value than the euro, and choked off Germany’s export led recovery.

Opponents of eurobonds argue that they would introduce an element of moral hazard, but euro bonds can be easily designed to mitigate those risks.  One proposal – a variation of which will be included in today’s Green Paper from the European Commission – comes from Jacques Delpla of the Conseil d’Analyse Économique in Paris and Jakob von Weizsäcker, a fellow at Bruegel, a research organisation in Brussels. With this proposal, eurobonds would only apply to the first 60% of a member’s debt in a “blue bond” and with individual members being responsible for anything above it in a “red bond”.

Notes to Editors

Business for New Europe is a coalition of pro European British business leaders who articulate a positive case for reform in Europe.  We comment on European issues that have an impact on the UK.  For a list of our members, please follow this link http://www.bnegroup.org/about/people/

For media enquiries, please contact Paul O’Hagan on paul.ohagan@bnegroup.org  or contact +44 (0)7944 572 351.  Phillip Souta can be contacted directly on +44 (0)78 8788 6437.

In Depth: A Series on the EU’s Internal Market. [2] Delivering Value for Money

By Phillip Souta

By Morris Schonberg

The mood of governments across Europe, inflamed by the eurozone debt crisis, is unsurprisingly characterised by austerity.  At present, the public purse is experiencing a myriad of pressures, such as fire-fighting the debt crisis, continuing to recapitalise systemic financial institutions and managing existing spending commitments made in better times.

In this climate, it is now more essential than ever that the State is able to maximise efficiency in public purchases and deliver the best value for money.  Public markets remain among the largest and most important for many economic operators in Europe.  In the EU, the purchases of goods and services by public bodies corresponded to around 19 per cent of EU GDP in 2009, amounting to over €2,100 billion.[1]  Given the sheer size of public markets, cost-savings made in public procurement have the potential to make a real impact on the finances of EU governments and stabilise the economic outlook.

The European Commission recognised this when it finalised the Single Market Act earlier this year, including public procurement policy reform among the package of twelve priority measures to rejuvenate the EU’s internal market.  The Commission plans to present detailed proposals for public procurement reform before the end of this year.

The current EU public procurement rules are meant to ensure the application of the EU’s internal market ‘freedoms’, the free movement of goods, persons, services and capital and the optimal allocation of resources they bring, in the specific context of public markets.  In such markets, given the inherent advantages national incumbents may have in dealing with their own national public authorities and the danger of latent preference to ‘buy national’, additional effort is required to ensure a level playing field.  This is where the framework under the public procurement rules comes in.  The rules establish specific contract award procedures for public bodies to follow that ensure public purchases are made in a fully transparent and objective manner, without any discrimination on grounds of nationality.  The public procurement rules ensure greater competition between commercial operators from different Member States and maximum value for tax-payers’ money.

The current EU public procurement rules, however, have not been wholly successful in opening up the EU’s public markets.  Cross-border public procurement remains low – it is estimated that only 13 per cent of public contracts publicised in the EU’s Official Journal are awarded to operators from other Member States.[2]  Whilst this figure may not necessarily reflect the competitive pressure that national operators may have been exposed to as a result of competition from operators from other Member States and the consequent price benefits, the figure is still strikingly low.

The European Commission is currently considering significant reform of the EU public procurement regime in two respects. Firstly, ‘modernisation’ and reform of the EU public procurement regime itself and secondly, developing a new external public procurement policy.  Unfortunately, costs savings is amongst the Commission’s objectives for reform, other considerations are also animating the Commission’s proposals that may have the opposite effect.

The potential changes being mooted to the public procurement rules themselves are far-reaching.  One possible reform concerns the scope of the public procurement regime itself.  Currently the procurement regime is only applicable to certain types of public contracts with a value above certain specified financial thresholds for each type of contract.  The broad idea is that the additional safeguards during the contract award process imposed by the public procurement regime, and the consequent additional administrative burdens for public authorities should only be applicable in the case of contracts that are of a sufficient value to merit cross-border interest in the first place.

In principle, the extension of the application of the public procurement regime to more public contracts allows for the possibility of greater competition but the administrative burden to public authorities in complying with the public procurement rules must also be taken into account.  There is no sense in expanding the public procurement rules to more contracts where the cross-border interest may be too limited to justify these greater administrative burdens.

The scope of the public procurement regime must therefore be carefully considered and any change should be targeted and precise.  In this sense, the Commission should be fully open to the possibility of lesser application as well as greater application of the public procurement rules in achieving the best result for the tax payer.  The financial thresholds have not been reviewed since 2004 – when the current public procurement rules were introduced – nor has there been any effort to index the thresholds in line with inflation.  Raising them may deliver more value for money.

Another aspect of the reforms represents particular cause for concern.  In the current framework, public contracts may only be awarded on the basis of (a) the best-priced tender, or (b) the most ‘economically advantageous’ tender.  Although the latter approach allows for the introduction of award criteria that relate to a wider range of policies, such as environmental protection, an important requirement is any such non-price criteria must ‘relate to the subject matter of the contract’ itself – for example, the characteristics of the goods/services to be purchased.

This limitation ensures that the actual goods/services that are being purchased themselves remain central and public authorities obtain the best value for money.  Loosening the link may undermine this, allow for disguised discrimination against operators from other Member States, and result in the imposition of a whole variety of different societal requirements for each contract that may impede access by SMEs to public contracts.  The additional complexity will also bring further administrative burdens for public authorities conducting public procurement.  It is important that this change is fully resisted.

Some of the proposals for a new EU external public procurement policy are also of concern.  While commercial operators from the great majority of countries are able to participate in public procurement tenders in the EU, commercial operators from EU Member States may find themselves excluded from public procurement in these third countries, due to protectionism.

The Commission wants to redress this imbalance and improve the access of EU commercial operators to third-country markets.  One of the options being mooted is that public procurement in the EU will only be accessible to operators from countries with which the EU has concluded binding international agreements on access.  Access to EU public procurement will be restricted for operators from countries with which there is no agreement and from which EU operators are excluded.  According to the Commission, this may then grant the EU greater leverage in persuading these countries to open up their public procurement to EU operators.

Much will depend on the detail of any proposal, but it is clear that any initiative that may restrict economically-efficient third country operators from EU public procurement, may have a detrimental impact on competition in the EU and result in the tax-payer receiving less value for money.

Finally, while the public procurement rules and many of the reforms are directed at tackling obstacles to free movement and distortions of competition emanating from public activity, the tenderers themselves are one particular area of reform which could receive more attention in an attempt to combat anti-competitive behaviour by private parties,.

Why? Because did-rigging drives up prices for public contract at the expense of the public purse.  Public markets in particular have features which arguably facilitate bid-rigging.  Demand is inelastic and stable and the transparency during the tendering process which the public procurement rules ensure, stabilises any bid-rigging arrangements by allowing cheating on any illegal bid-rigging arrangements to be detected by the other participants and sanctioned by reprisals.

Further incentives to deter bid-rigging in the public markets may be created.  While the European Commission continues to levy ever-increasing fines on those guilty of anti-competitive conduct, a more targeted solution in the public procurement sphere would be to allow a public authority to restrict operators guilty of bid-rigging in public contracts from its future procurement.  Currently public authorities are only able to do this in respect of certain limited offences such as corruption and money laundering.  However, it is anti-competitive bid-rigging which, in particular, results in higher costs being paid by the tax-payer.  Any restrictions may be on a contract-by-contract basis or sector-specific and subject to self-cleansing, such as the implementation of a successful compliance programme.

During the current economic climate, the goal of delivering better value for money must be the paramount.  Any reform proposed by the Commission should not stray from this objective.



[1] European Commission Staff Working Paper, Evaluation Report, Impact and Effectiveness of the Public Procurement Rules, SEC (2011) 853 Final, page i.

[2] Ibid., page 134.  This includes both contracts awarded in direct cross-border procurement and indirect cross-border procurement where firms bid for contracts through their foreign affiliates or subsidiaries.

Eurozone Crisis: A failure of policy not democracy

By Phillip Souta

By Tom Thatcher

‘The eurozone crisis is a failure of policy and not democracy.’ That was the message of BNE Chairman Roland Rudd when he appeared on BBC Radio 4’s Today Programme this morning.

Italian Senate, Photo from: Fare Salute

In recent days, however, the debate has tended to focus on the latter, with some commentators linking Europe’s current economic malaise with a perceived lack of accountability in EU decision making processes.

Others have even argued that the recent departure of Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou and apparently imminent departure of Italian Prime Minister further entrench this point. That both men are to be replaced with so-called ‘technocrats’ – experts in their fields but perhaps not natural politicians – may have given added impetus to this line of reasoning.

Yet such thinking distorts the reality of the Eurozone’s current predicament and even risks misrepresenting the fundamental basis of European representative democracy. The decisions of the Greek and Italian parliaments to choose new leaders without the need for elections, far from being illegitimate, have in actual fact served to demonstrate just why such systems work so well – deputies are able to act for the people, and at their behest, without the need for consultation on each individual decision.

Nor are these processes the Brussels-led, unchartered ones their detractors claim them to be; in Britain, both Gordon Brown and John Major became prime minister without needing to re-seek mandates from the British people on their right to govern, yet no serious observer could argue that Britain was fundamentally undemocratic when they came to power. To use a historical example, Winston Churchill did not call an election when appointed Prime Minister of Britain by King George VI in 1940 and nor was he expected to do so.

All three ultimately derived their right to govern from parliament.

The important distinction between unelected leaders and leaders governing with the consent of elected representatives – and by extension with the consent of the citizens – also applies to the group of officials known as the ‘Groupe de Franfort’ or for more eurosecptic commentators, ‘Europe’s Politburo.’

Amongst others, this informal group consists of French President Nicolas Sarkozy, German Chancellor Angela Merkel and President of the European Commission Jose Manuel Barroso and has been derided as an unelected body in which collective conspirators get together to work out how to do away with democracy.

In fact, it is nothing more than a forum for some of the most influential European leaders to come together and discuss implementation of co-ordinated eurozone policy, something which has been sadly lacking in Europe up until now.

The presence in the group of influential officials such as EU Commissioner Ollie Rehn and IMF chief Christine Lagarde can only help in this regard – after all, who would expect national executives to operate without civil servants or supranational bodies?

In its present state, what the Eurozone needs most of all is effective and wide-ranging policy reform. Elected representatives are clearly in the best position to do this and should therefore be supported rather than hindered in their efforts.

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