BNE Blog

David Cameron will watch closely as Tusk concedes treaty-breaking possibility of Polish euro referendum

By admin

By Patrick O’Brien

David Cameron and Donald Tusk (Photo: Gazeta.pl)

Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk took a big political gamble when he conceded the principle of holding a referendum on Polish euro membership on March 26.

Pressure from the opposition pushed him into it and the repercussions could be far reaching.

When Poland joined the EU in 2004, it did so without any opt-out from the euro.

Poland – like other new joiners – is legally bound to join the euro when it meets the economic criteria. Strictly speaking, they have no choice in the matter, just flexibility as to when.

The latter flexibility effectively gives Poland a veto, but no new joiner has explicitly said it will resile from its treaty obligations and not join the euro, so this is new.

This will be watched very closely by David Cameron because he is similarly pushing the terms of the UK’s EU membership to the limits. He will welcome any other member state that shakes up the existing order in the EU.

Donald Tusk made the concession as he sought to gain sufficient parliamentary support to alter an element of the Polish constitution, requiring national currency to be issued by the Polish National Bank.

Public opinion in Poland has traditionally been very much in favour of the euro; it had been seen as a means to guarantee Polish economic security, but, recent polls suggest that the euro crisis has turned Poles from enthusiasts – with 60% backing Euro membership in recent years, into pessimists – with only 25% now in favour of joining and 68% against.

Polish pessimism is in line with the current surge in scepticism in mainstream politics and populist movements across Europe. Many have come to associate the EU and the euro with crisis. The subsequent rush to integrate as remedy to these crises has been seen at worst as anti-democratic and lacking in popular legitimacy.  Brussels and the single currency have come to many to represent the cause, rather than the solution, to their problems.

Euro-scepticism, was traditionally a preserve of politics on the margins, but has gained political traction throughout the EU. In the UK, hard-line euro-sceptics ‘UKIP’ have never been stronger, consistently polling at 17%. Scepticism, however, is no longer confined to fringe movements; the issue is now core for centrist parties in the UK who fear losing votes to parties like UKIP that are striking a chord with voters.

Developments in countries like the Netherlands (where two-thirds now believe the EU to be anti-democratic) or Germany, which has produced its first explicit anti-EU party ‘Alternative for Germany’, have shown a desire to challenge orthodoxy. In Southern Europe populist movements like Beppe Grillo’s 5 Star Movement in Italy and Syriza in Greece have gained popular support.

In Poland, Donald Tusk intends to fight his 2015 election campaign from a pro-EU stance and on entry into the single currency, confident that a strong public relations campaign can sway public opinion as it did pre accession (78% in favour). But what if people vote no? It will cause a de-facto constitutional crisis in the EU.

With a Polish exit from the EU unlikely, a no vote would probably require a renegotiation or redefinition or Poland’s place within the EU.

For now, Polish membership is very much linked to entry into the single currency, as Tusk states, by the end of the decade “being in the euro, will mean being in the European Union,” but the consequences of promising a referendum will be watched very closely in Downing Street.

There’s still time to get Cyprus deal right

By Phillip Souta

By Liam Murphy

Cypriots woke up on Saturday to the news that deposit holders would bear a significant amount of the burden in a deal aimed at rescuing the banking sector. Those with savings of less than €100,000 will face a ‘tax’ of 6.75 per cent, while those with holdings in excess of this figure will face a hit of up to 9.99 per cent.

The logic, if you want to call it that, behind the deposit ‘tax’ is clear, but it was an ill-advised move which sets a dangerous precedent.

There were very few other options for Cyprus to choose, faced with the scale of the problem. However, forcing savers of modest sums to hand over a significant portion of their savings will not only give the EU a bad name, but risk the faith of thousands across Europe, who have so far lived through bailout and austerity programmes with relatively good grace.

The Eurozone countries could never have agreed to pay out the full required bailout (€17 billion). Relative to the size of the small island nation’s GDP, this is an enormous figure, and it would have almost certainly defaulted. On top of that, the sorry state of Cypriot banks’ finances meant that some deposit holders were always going to be targeted.

There were also other forces at play in the background, not least election-year politicking in Germany. The Social Democrats have used the Cypriot bailout to put pressure on Chancellor Angela Merkel. At issue is that the island is a known tax haven for Russian deposit holders, and not a small portion of these holdings are seen as having been generated from illegal activities. That Germans would be ‘bailing-out’ Russian deposit holders is politically toxic, and Merkel could never have signed off on it.

The assertion by President Nicos Anastasiades that there was no option but to hit smaller savers and business owners (those with deposits of under €100,000) is hard to believe. The President himself had alluded to applying a higher ‘tax’ of up to 60 per cent on those holding more than the €100,000 threshold. Christine Lagarde, the head of the IMF, has also advocated the imposition of similarly high rates. The deal as it currently stands is regressive, making the poor suffer while the rich get away relatively lightly.

The Cypriot government will extend Monday’s bank holiday for an extra day so as to ensure there is no run on the banks before it meets tomorrow to debate the deal at 4pm (GMT). Yet, even if parliament ratifies the package, it will have done irreparable damage to recovery efforts in the Eurozone. The principle of deposit insurance has been disregarded and the security of holdings in other troubled Eurozone countries (Spain, Portugal, Greece, Italy) has been cast into doubt. There is no reason to assume that these measures can’t be implemented elsewhere.

In an environment of universal austerity, that large deposit holders are once again getting off the hook is not likely to sit well with European voters. The Cypriot government has until 4pm (GMT) tomorrow, when parliament meets, to negotiate a more progressive solution to its financial troubles.

Mr Anastasiades faces a difficult task to get the rescue package as it currently stands through parliament after four members of Diko, the junior partner in the coalition government, threatened to vote against it. He would do well to heed the advice of Panicos Demetriades, the central bank governor, who has said that small savers should be excluded from the levy to respect the EU guarantee on bank deposits up to €100,000. There is still time.

Britain and the Future of Europe – Debate with David Miliband, Liam Fox, Hugo Dixon and Andrew Lilico

By Phillip Souta

By Conor Brennan

David Cameron’s EU negotiating strategy is “putting a gun to our own heads” warned Former Foreign Secretary David Miliband, while Conservative MP Liam Fox would support Britain leaving the EU if the Prime Minister did not get a “good deal”.

Speaking at an event hosted by Business for New Europe and the City of London Corporation on Monday 11 February, Miliband argued that membership of the EU was good for Britain as we have done well out of the Single Market and have “never lost a vote on financial services.”

Photograph: Jeff Gilbert

Debating the future of Britain in Europe before an audience of 250 business leaders, academics, British and foreign journalists and members of the diplomatic community, Miliband said that the current strategy by the government was “putting a gun to our own heads” and he stressed the importance of local associations in the future of global competiveness.

Former Secretary of State for Defence, Dr Liam Fox stated that he did not want to remain in the EU “at any price”.  He claimed that currently the EU project was “unsustainable” because it is seven per cent of global population and 25 per cent of GDP but spends 50 per cent of social welfare spending.“Europe needs to change” claimed Dr Fox, citing barriers to competiveness and the democratic deficit as areas in need of reform. He supported David Cameron’s pledge for an in/out referendum, adding that it is not an excuse to deny the people a say in Europe’s destiny because you may be scared of the outcome.

Editor-at-Large of Reuters News Hugo Dixon said the UK needs to be “an active member of a reformed union”. Highlighting three ways to pursue this agenda, Dixon stated that Britain needed to build alliances and “play the diplomatic game”; stop talk of unilateral repatriation of powers and instead seek to develop multilateral agreements;and finally understand the differences that still exist within the EU and how this is impeding a closer fiscal union.

Andrew Lilico, director and principal of Europe Economics, argued that the EU is foremost a political project and its “internal logic” is driving it towards a unified federation of states. He added that this will leave Britain outside the core of possibly 23 member states with little influence over decisions and rules that it is affected by. Lilico dismissed the idea that a federation of States is “just hearsay” and compared this to before the formation of the Euro currency – people did not think it would come to fruition.

Addressing this point David Miliband argued that the Treaty of Rome proposed an “ever closer union of the peoples of Europe” and in this regard the EU has successfully offered free movement of people and improved tolerance of different cultures in Europe. Hugo Dixon disagreed Europe “was on the brink of greater integration”, claiming that even the banking union has rolled back on many fiscal union integration policies.

Concluding the debate chaired by Roland Rudd chairman of BNE, Dr Liam Fox criticised the Euro as a “flawed concept” by allowing the wrong countries to join. He also stated that people were told “the sky would fall in” if Britain did not join the Euro or the Schengen agreement, when clearly neither has happened, which should be borne in mind. Lilico added that Britain “had lost influence by not joining the Euro” and this was exactly problem that it will have in the future.

 

Nick Clegg calls for “engaged and balanced” approach to the EU

By Phillip Souta

By Conor Brennan 

The UK will become “isolated and marginalised” if it is “pulled towards the edge” of the European Union stated Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg on Thursday 1 November.

Clegg criticised the “proposals doing the rounds” on repatriation of EU powers back to the UK. “A grand, unilateral repatriation of powers might sound appealing but in reality it is a false promise”, he claimed. 

According to the Deputy Prime Minister taking this route would leave the UK in a “very dangerous” position and he outlined his vision for an “engaged and balanced” approach to the EU which he believes would benefit the UK. Clegg proposed a three prong strategy – “tough on the money, more jobs, more criminals behind bars”.

This involved, Clegg stated, supporting Prime Minister David Cameron’s aim to negotiation a real terms freeze on the EU budget, deepening of the Single Market and also not supporting the UK opt-out of EU crime and policing laws which benefit the domestic justice system.

Regarding the current EU budget negotiations, the Deputy Prime Minister said “it’s our job to make realistic, responsible and hard-headed decisions on behalf of the British people”. He was adamant a “real terms freeze was a good offer”, suggesting a cut to the budget in real terms may be unrealistic.

The speech by Clegg came the morning after parliament passed a motion calling for a real terms cut to the EU budget. A total of 53 Conservative MPs rebelled against the party whips and with the support of Labour defeated the government by a 13 vote majority.

Labour were being “opportunistic” and scoring party political points, claimed Clegg. Shadow Chancellor Ed Balls, he continued, does not even believe a real terms cut is possible.

One in ten jobs in Britain, according to Clegg, rely on trade between the UK and the Single Market. He continued his robust defence of the UK’s role in the Single Market by stating “one of the reasons big multinationals come here is because we offer a launching pad to the world’s largest borderless marketplace”.

Finally the Deputy Prime Minster summarised his thoughts on the upcoming decision on the EU crime and policing laws opt-out. He stressed a final decision has not been made regarding the 130 measures which is due in 2014.

Clegg challenged those who do not believe the EU crime and policing laws are needed, telling them to “prove it”. He reiterated his belief that crime and terrorism was a cross-border problem and thus should be confronted at a transnational level.

This was a speech aiming for the centre ground and full of pragmatic rhetoric. Whether the Deputy Prime Minister’s speech outlining his vision for future engagement with the EU will shift the debate towards pragmatic terms is yet to be seen. As Clegg stated, expectations should remain couched in realistic terms. He will need to work hard to force the debate towards these terms and the UK away from the edge of the EU.

Conservative Party Conference Blog: Is Europe part of the problem or part of the solution?

By Phillip Souta

By Ariane Poulain

Our final panel discussion in the ‘Europe: From Crisis to Growth’ series, hosted in partnership with the Centre for European Reform and Open Europe, and sponsored by JPMorgan, was held last night at the Conservative Party Conference in Manchester.  The panel was moderated by Mats Persson, Director of Open Europe and included David Lidington, Minister for Europe, Harriet Baldwin MP and Charles Grant, Director of the Centre for European Reform.

David Lidington, leading the discussion, stated the UK does not have much room to be complacent because “Europe faced both an immediate crisis and a long-term strategic challenge” – respectively, the unsustainable debt levels across EU member states and the growing emergence of the rising powers. Lidington recognised the economic crisis was not necessarily homogeneous across EU member states but emphasised that “reducing debt and boosting competitiveness faces us all.”

When the world looks back at the 21st Century, Lidington is certain that the shift of global economic influence will be seen as fundamental. To prevent being left on the sidelines of history, the EU must focus on three key things to prevent long-term decline: control and reform EU-level spending, boosting trade ties and restoring public faith in the EU.

Firstly, taking control of EU-level spending requires the EU re-focusing on what it really needs to spend funds on. At present, “money is being spent that does not focus on jobs and competitiveness in the long term and this applies to both large and small member states.”

Secondly, the EU single market is essential to the UK and Lidington said, the UK must push to complete the single market, particularly the increasingly important digital single market as well as ensuring the EU remains “outward looking.” He strongly emphasised the importance of the UK pushing the EU to seek a transatlantic trade deal after the US presidential election, “it would be two giant markets coming together and really effectively setting global standards.”

Thirdly – and more widely in Europe – Lidington called for public faith to be restored and the worries about the democratic deficit to be addressed. He also voiced concern over the current domestic, political developments across EU member states – such as in Greece, Hungary and Finland – which “indicate movements that have a nasty tinge to them and remind us of some of the darkest times in European history.”

Overall, Lidington recognised there are historic challenges taking place in the EU right now but, on several fronts, we must not take for granted valuable policies, such as those which secure social and employment rights. He concluded that we need to have “a serious and grown up discussion about the political architecture of Europe” and “we [the UK] has a relationship with Europe which will not cease to exist.”

Charles Grant focused on growth, the eurozone crisis and the UK’s position in the EU for his contribution to the panel discussion. On a whole, his views on restoring the eurozone and the role of the EU in the UK’s ability to secure growth were in line with the Minister’s.

On growth, Grant stated the importance, firstly, of the EU’s “weight to collectively secure beneficial external trade deals” and secondly, “the single market as a major part of growth.” Grant recognised that the EU single market is not perfect, nor complete but pushing the agenda further is vital. He also placed particular significance on the importance of the digital single market and used Nokia as an example because they currently have to cooperate with 27 different telecoms/digital domestic markets.

Moving forward, Grant considered the future of the eurozone and strongly believed that if the euro falls apart it would lead to competitive devaluation, a surge in protectionism and the European economy would spiral downwards which, all in all, the single market would unlikely survive. With this in mind, Grant praised measures by the ECB and said that Mario Draghi has taken important steps forward and said he had faith that buying debt, a banking union and greater economic integration in the eurozone would help the EU move from crisis to growth.

However, he said “there are excessive austerity measures being pushed on Southern Europe from Germany and this is creating negative sentiment and feeding into the anti democratic views” and that there is a “great dirth of leadership in Europe” but three good, sensible leaders emerging at the moment are Mario Draghi, Radik Sikorski and Mario Monti.

Grant concluded by considering the above in relation to the UK’s position in the EU. “Whether or not the EU goes down the road of new institutions, the eurozone will have a euro agenda” he stated and advocated that “the UK must ensure that new institutions are limited at the euro-level because it is very important not to impose rules on the City of London” beyond our control but at the same time, the UK should not stop others going ahead of treaties to restore the eurozone because that would be very damaging to the single market. Grant continued, “we need friends and allies to ensure European deals made are in the UK’s best interests; if we throw our toys out of the pram then this is less likely and we are not going to benefit the single market.” 

Harriet Baldwin MP began by stating that she was very happy the UK maintained monetary sovereignty because the euro was deeply flawed and when member states joined the single currency they benefitted from the boom. Today, they are dealing with the after effects. Baldwin said eurozone members are “now in a deflationary process and there is no ability for currencies to adjust to the real economy of previously booming countries.”

Baldwin moved on to identify the two flaws of the eurozone and what she viewed as the three possible options to move from crisis to growth. The eurozone, stated Baldwin, has no real lender of last resort and the budget deficits have all varied significantly and to resolve the crisis she first considers “what is the best scenario for her constituents and the most economically beneficial.”

The three possible options are: the EU gives up on the eurozone and the single currency breaks up, the eurozone “carries on lurching” or the design flaws in the euro are fixed. Baldwin accepted that a break-up of the eurozone would be a“ghastly economic shock to the economic system” and that for the eurozone to continue in its current form is beyond what a democracy can suffer.

Baldwin recognised that fiscally responsible countries are pretty annoyed that they will have to underwrite the debt of profligate counties and stated that “economically, the best possible outcome was clearly to have eurobonds and the UK should not stand in the way but, in fact, encourage as much as possible because it is clearly in the UK’s best interests.” 

She was also in agreement with Grant that Draghi is helping to restore the euro with the direction he is moving the ECB towards as a lender of last resort. Once the eurozone is restored, Baldwin considered what the UK’s position in the EU would be and said that “monetary sovereignty combined with single market access would be a great place for the UK to remain.”

UK at “extreme risk” from eurozone crisis

By Phillip Souta

By Conor Brennan

A report released today by Maplecroft ranks the UK as the country most exposed to the Eurozone crisis. Covering 169 countries outside of the Eurozone, the report places the UK in the top “extreme risk” category. Maplecroft came to this conclusion on the basis of its “high level of economic integration with the countries using the Euro, together with its lack of domestic resilience to an economic slowdown.”

The UK also comes top of the risk chart because foreign direct investment (FDI) from the Eurozone accounts for 20% of the UK’s GDP and British banks are exposed to £380 billion in Eurozone bank and sovereign bonds.  That represents 27% of UK’s GDP.  They say that exposure could “enhance solvency problems for financial institutions.”

Maplecroft conclude that the situation is “compounded by a large and unyielding fiscal deficit of approximately 8% of GDP and net public debt over 80% of GDP, making the UK’s capacity for a fiscal response to further economic crises in the Eurozone severely limited.”

Figures also released today by the Office for National Statistics shows UK GDP shrank by 0.7% in the second quarter of 2012. This puts the UK in recession for three straight quarters and the deepest for 50 years.

The UK government has sought to blame this on the Eurozone crisis. If that is right, and views on whether it is differ, the UK has direct influence over these external factors.

Future negotiations in Europe regarding debt mutualisation and a European banking union give the government an opportunity to outline how they wish the EU to address the on-going crisis. David Cameron, the Prime Minister, has stated his readiness to use his veto once more for “the national interest.” The national interest, in this case, is not accepting European supervision of banks or contributions to a common European deposit guarantee system. Mr Cameron should not be afraid to publicise the benefits of a scheme which will play an integral role in recovery of the Eurozone and consequently the British economy.

Over 50% of foreign direct investment to the UK comes from EU member states and the single market adds €600bn a year to our economy according to the UK government. There is no doubt the EU has beneficially enhanced the competitiveness and export potential of British industry. It is not surprising the UK tops Maplecroft’s index of countries most dependent on the Eurozone.

The Maplecroft report also concludes that Sweden, Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic are at “extreme risk.”  Those countries are also more towards the economically liberal end of the spectrum when it comes to EU members.  The fact that there are so many members that share the UK’s concerns presents an obvious avenue for engagement.  The government’s current strategy of seeking to be as uninvolved in the negotiations on the future of Europe as possible risks squandering a chance to wield considerable influence over the outcome.

Photo: Maplecroft, 2012

The last weeks in Europe have been heavy on drama, but light on solutions

By Phillip Souta

By Phillip Souta

The rumblings about the British veto continued this week, with stormy exchanges in the Commons recorded in Hansard here.  The merits or not of the veto have been examined in detail elsewhere – a particularly good analysis from David Rennie in the Economist explains how it was not the high watermark of British diplomacy – but two things have been strangely lacking from the debate.

Photo: No 10

First, it is true that the UK finds itself a step further away from the centre of European decision making now than it did before the 9 December summit, but that doesn’t tell the whole story.  A man from Mars reading most of the coverage might conclude that Britain is the only member of the EU that has problems with EU treaties or initiatives.  That is not true.

Secondly, the storm over the “British veto” has distracted from the fact that the “fiscal compact” agreed on in Brussels on 31 January has little chance of solving the euro crisis.  At best, it is a move by Angela Merkel, the German Chancellor, to give herself cover to do more for the eurozone; at worst, it is a symptom of German political deafness to the need for more than just that.

On the first point, why has none of the reporting touched on the fact that in the last ten years, three EU members have wielded three EU vetoes that in turn sowed much greater chaos than David Cameron did on 9 December?

In May 2005, France had to veto the EU’s then-proposed constitution because it was rejected in a referendum.  The next month, the Dutch did likewise.  In June 2008 the Irish rejected the successor to the rejected constitution, the Lisbon Treaty, due to concerns about their independence.

These were all vetoes – but we have even more recent examples.  In October last year, Finland refused to contribute to the Greek bailout without a separate collateral deal for its contribution.  This fouled up the process for weeks, leading to rocketing bond yields across the continent.  Slovakia, in the same month, refused to contribute to the European Financial Stability Facility, because Iveta Radicova, the Slovak Prime Minister, couldn’t persuade her Eurosceptic Parliament that Slovaks with lower average salaries than Greeks should contribute to a bailout.

The Czechs refused to sign the fiscal pact on 31 December and François Hollande, who on current form looks to walk into the Elysee Palace as President of France this April, has said he would reject it and renegotiate.

UK policy after the veto has been to accommodate, as far as possible, the desire of the eurozone to use the EU’s institutions to police the new agreement.  This is a softening of the line before this week’s summit where the government said it would not allow any such thing to happen.  This is a tacit admission that we overplayed our hand in Brussels on 9 December.  To say however that Britain is somehow uniquely isolated in the EU is wrong, and muddies the waters.

This leads us to the second point.  The frenetic talk about isolation has distracted us from the more important question – was the agreement on 9 December enough to solve the eurozone crisis?  The answer, unfortunately, is no.

Germany has insisted on eurozone members locking a beefed up version of the Maastricht stability criteria into their constitutions, which in turn will be policed by the European Court of Justice.  The hope is that Germany will be forthcoming on doing more to save the euro now that it has what it wants.  That would involve injecting more money into European financial resolution mechanisms, agreeing some degree of debt mutualisation in the form of eurobonds, and allowing the European Central Bank to fully stand behind the euro.

The indications at the moment are of no such willingness.  Germany has said it will do whatever it takes to save the euro – but this seems to mean doing everything except what is really required.  Cameron has wisely decided not to oppose the use of the EU’s machinery to enforce the stricter disciple Germany wants.  Angela Merkel needs to find the courage to explain to her voters that the alternative to true structural reform is a breakup of the euro, and the disastrous consequences that would follow.

Press Release – It is in UK’s interest for fiscal pact to be part of EU Treaty

By Phillip Souta

The euro+ treaty should be incorporated into the EU treaties as soon as possible.

Following Monday’s meeting of European Liberal leaders in London, BNE fully supports the aim for the new euro+ treaty to eventually be incorporated into the European Union treaties.

Phillip Souta, Director of BNE said, “We still need to see the final shape of the euro+ agreement, but the latest draft contains obligations that would only apply to members of the euro.  As it is in our interest for the eurozone to resolve its problems as soon as possible, and given that the fiscal pact in the treaty is a step towards that aim, we should aim to have it incorporated into the EU treaties as soon as possible, so that the Commission and Court of Justice, which are there for all the EU’s members, can fully police its provisions.”

He went on to say that “The fiscal pact, whilst a necessary step, is not sufficient to resolve the eurozone crisis.  We are still going to have to see the European Central Bank getting more fully involved as lender of last resort and some sort of mutualisation of debt, as Olli Rehn, the EU’s economic affairs Commissioner, has set out today.”

Notes to Editors

- Business for New Europe is a coalition of pro European British business leaders who articulate a positive case for reform in Europe.  We comment on European issues that have an impact on the UK.  For a list of our members, please follow this link http://www.bnegroup.org/about/people/

- For media enquiries, please contact Paul O’Hagan on paul.ohagan@bnegroup.org  or contact +44 (0)7944 572 351.  Phillip Souta can be contacted directly on +44 (0)78 8788 6437.

Europe needs big bang to put some life into its economy

By admin

By Phillip Souta

An economic big bang is the best way for European policy makers to restore confidence in their ailing markets. Yet the obdurate approach of some national executives to this policy puts its chances of success in doubt.

The German parliament’s ratification of much-debated European Financial Securities Framework (EFSF) legislation was clearly a positive moment for policy makers interested in Europe’s future economic well-being. Combined with the earlier ruling by Germany’s constitutional court, it means that legal challenges to the country’s role in bailouts are effectively a thing of the past, as long as the fund requires no further topping up.

Of course, the significance of this victory for eurozone solidarity must not be overstated. Other national parliaments have so far proved more rebellious than the Bundestag; Slovakian deputies, pointing out that their economy was smaller than that of Greece, refused to pass their own EFSF bill putting the entire project in jeopardy.

Assuming, however, that either Slovakia does eventually pass its law in some form or – more likely given the relatively small size of Slovakia’s contribution – eurozone members find a way around making Slovakia pay, there remains another problem with the EFSF in its current form; it is not sufficiently large to both bailout Greece and stave off contagion in other member states.

In response, the EU, national executives and the IMF need to take drastic measures to show that they are four-square behind the euro. A ‘Big Bang’ plan, reported to have been under discussion during a recent IMF meeting in Washington, would be the best way to demonstrate their resolve.

In purely economic terms, the plan is a sensible one – it foresees the implementation of three distinct policies to deal with the Greek sovereign debt crisis and its potential fallout.

Firstly, Greece would finally be allowed to default within the euro through a 50% haircut. Debts accrued through the issuing of government bonds would become manageable for the executive there, meaning that external actors – the IMF and the EU, for example – would be able to leave Greece to reconstruct its economy without ever-increasing pressure from markets.

Secondly, to minimize the risk of contagion from Greece affecting other markets, the remaining EFSF money – currently standing at some €250 billion – would be leveraged either through turning the fund into an insurer or, perhaps more likely, into a bank.

Clearly, this would be a bold step towards the establishment of common monetary policy, given that both the EFSF-bank and the EFSF-insurer options would require underwriting by the European Central Bank, meaning that ultimately they would need to be backed themselves. Nonetheless, it would allow the fund’s ceiling to be extended to some €2 trillion – more than enough to deal with current eurozone problems.

Finally, French and German banks exposed in Greece would be recapitalized with a massive injection of cash from their governments – a move which would not only keep these banks afloat but would give them the extra liquidity required to help jumpstart Europe’s stalled economies through increased lending.

Not all member states have been happy with this final action point; the French government has attempted to mitigate the risk of it having to bailout its own banks due to fears that such a move would endanger its own triple-A credit rating.  At the same time, it is difficult to gauge the appetite of the German public for funding another bailout although at least this time they will be giving money to their own banks.

National executives will evidently be taking a calculated risk on the Big Bang rescue scheme. Yet it is clearly preferable to the available alternatives, most of which involve either continuing to pour money into Greece (which may not be possible, given how vocal opposition has been thus far) or allowing the country to default completely, potentially exposing themselves to a catastrophic economic fallout.

The Big Bang theory avoids these two extremes – putting a final price tag on buying the eurozone out of its economic malaise. It is up to governments to make sure they take this chance.

BNE Chairman Roland Rudd opens Westminster conference on UK’s relationship with EU

By Phillip Souta

This morning, Roland Rudd, chairman of Business for New Europe opened a conference organised by Bill Cash MP at Westminster on the importance of the UK taking a positive and leading role in the European Union.

In order to bring about stability within the eurozone, there are growing calls that a new treaty effecting euro zone countries will be necessary.  As with any EU treaty, ratification by all 27 member states would be required.  Some are now saying that the price of the UK agreeing to reform the eurozone should be a renegotiation of our membership. BNE believes that it is not the time for the UK to step back from decisions being taken in the EU.

Roland Rudd, Chairman of BNE, said ‘Repatriation of powers is a distraction and would not work on a number of levels.  Opt outs from employment and social protection legislation would distort the single market by giving the UK an unfair competitive advantage, and would not be agreed.’

Mr Rudd continued, ‘The UK needs a strong eurozone and for it to be strong, it needs to reform.  We should continue to call for euro bonds, loud and clear, and seriously consider the idea of ‘blue and red bonds’ as put forward by Breugel.’

He continues, ‘40% of our trade is with the euro zone and what we need to do is encourage proper implementation of subsidiarity by reforming the single market, eliminating uncompetitive employment rules, bolstering Europe’s infrastructure and access to venture capital and not giving up on the Doha round of trade talks.’

 

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